Gary Mounce

EDINBURG, Feb. 7 - My saintly Grandmother advised me, for conversations in polite company, to “stay away from politics and religion.”

But what else is there to talk about - the weather? Religion and politics do mix, or “mix it up,” and the process is difficult. Religion cannot be removed from our minds or our world. Religion helps provide solace for individuals facing difficult times; just witness the souls praying for succor and guidance in Haiti. It can also be, in some hands, a source of division, even oppression (again, the Haitian case and Pat Robertson’s unchristian curses). Both have been true in Latin America. Is it different here on the border between Mexico and South Texas?  

Religion is, without doubt, very important here, as in Latin America. One main difference has been pointed out by Vanden and Prevost (Latin America: The Power Game). The “North American concept of separation of church and state was not known in Latin America.” So, the major religion had almost the force of law. The Roman Catholic Church was and still is dominant in much of Mexico and the rest of Latin America, notwithstanding a rapid rise of Protestantism, especially of evangelical churches. Furthermore, the Catholic Church was often an ally (and, too often, still is) of the wealthy and powerful, backing notorious military regimes all over the continent. 

The 1960’s changed us all, even the Church. A Vatican Council was convened by reform minded Pope John XXIII. In Latin America and, to a certain extent, in south Texas, the Medellin (Colombia) conference changed things even more, favoring an “option toward the poor.” But the document was not always implemented fully. Pope Paul VI focused on third world development issues. Archbishop Dom Helder Camara, whom I interviewed in Brazil, openly confronted the military dictatorship. His nomination for Nobel Peace Prize helped him avoid death or exile. Not so fortunate was Bishop Oscar Romero of El Salvador, killed by the military in his Cathedral, ironically while saying mass for another victim of the U.S. supported military dictatorship.

Many nuns and priests feared moving into rural or slum communities to work directly with the poor in education and health but others continued to lead, often at great risk. Bishop Samuel Ruiz played an important role as mediator between the Mexican government and the Zapatistas in rebellion in Chiapas. He and other brave leaders and martyrs represent an important legacy of the “liberation” movement. But the reformist trend—beleaguered by both Church and State--was not allowed to prosper.

After the deaths of John XXIII and Pope Paul VI, the Church hierarchy fought back hard. Recent popes favored the older, conservative position of the Church.  Pope John Paul II publicly rebuked poet Father Ernesto Cardenal, Minister of Culture with the Sandinista government of Nicaragua. He threatened excommunication of Liberation Theology priests, forcing them into silence. The current pope and John Paul’s advisor, Benedict XVI, was head of the Office of Propagation of the Faith, formerly the Inquisition. These two most recent popes have been adamantly opposed to the progressive movements in the Catholic Church. But they have also spoken out often and forcefully against “forms of slavery more subtle than those of the past” (John Paul). That is, they have challenged unbridled, uncaring, “savage capitalism.”

This message may not have fully reached south Texas. The promise to stand with the poor brought great resistance from the conservative clergy not only in Latin America but in Texas and the U.S as well. Upper clergy often side with those who want no change and who support authoritarian regimes. From lower clergy, brave nuns and lay workers come those who support the masses, workers, Indigenous and down-trodden people. In Mexico, even in the Valley and the rest of South Texas, this division is prominent. 

The Catholic Church faces challenges from evangelical, fundamentalist Protestantism. But the latter do not usually challenge authoritarian governments. Indeed, in some cases, such as Guatemala, right wing Protestant fanatics established military dictatorships. The Rios Montt regime massacred Indigenous people and campesinos. The regime posted slogans: “Be Patriotic; Kill a Priest,” meaning liberals or any who dared to help the poor. Nuns were raped and killed. Sister Diana Ortiz, and others who have spoken in the Texas Valley (at the University and, when liberals were welcome, at Holy Spirit in McAllen) testified to her own torture and widespread torture of others.

There are more south Texas connections. Conservative Hispanic bishops, as well as those of European origin, dominate the pulpits and are inclined to tow the conservative line. They oust progressive reformers, as with Bishop Peña’s firing of Father Jerry Frank. They have used their hierarchical powers to dismiss priests and lay workers they consider too liberal. Whole congregations have been split, namely, Holy Spirit in McAllen. However, many here, as in Latin America, continue the struggle for justice.

South Texas is a unique part of the state. Three cultures meet: Mexican, Mexican-American and Anglo American. Special problems, similar to problems in Latin America, are bred of poverty. The chasm between the very rich and the poor exist here as well as in Mexico, one of the worse cases in Latin America. But, special leaders have always seemed to emerge and have left their stamp on the Valley and other parts of south Texas. Protestant, Catholic and Jewish leaders combined some years ago in the founding of Valley Inter-Faith, a major force for peace and justice in south Texas.

Bishop Fitzpatrick, a leader of Inter-Faith, was one of the valiant leaders fighting for fairness and social justice. Opponents here called him “communist,” foolish charges that one would think had been left in the past. Today, the charge is changed to “socialist.” In today’s partisan and ideological battles the name callers have found new targets for their suspicions and hatred—the nation’s first mixed ethnic President and his policies of reform. One “Christian” pastor prayed to God for President Obama’s death! We have our fanatics, no less than the Middle East. And we have those who fear them, such as the Valley school boards and administrators who caved in last year, censoring the “learning moment” made possible with President Obama’s speech on education.

Fortunately, other south Texas groups, some secular, some religiously affiliated, have been active in other ways, on the side of the people. For example, Valley groups helped Witness for Peace provide “voluntary hostages” to protect citizens from attacks by “contras.” These were former National Guardsmen loyal to the U.S. supported dictator, Somoza. President Reagan made war on the democratic, sovereign state of Nicaragua on behalf of the former oligarchs.

Locally, symbolic support for peace efforts has been offered. An early United Farm Worker supporter, Father Jerry Frank, helped establish the “Peace and Justice” Award given to various religious and secular leaders of groups such as BARCA, Border Association for Refugees from Central America, who provided much needed help to people fleeing the U.S.-backed  military dictatorships of that region.

Disciple of Christ Reverend Ed Krueger and his wife, Ninfa Ochoa also won that award. They fought long and hard for farm workers’ rights on the U.S. side and for maquila workers’ rights on the Mexican side. They faced danger only different from Latin America in degree. Goon squads and strike breakers for local orchard owners held Ed’s head near a rushing train to try to intimidate him. Ed and Ninfa were not intimidated. They helped to establish--together with Susan Law and David Hall of Texas Rio Grande Legal Aid -“Colonias del Valle,” an effective social action organization still in existence. Others persist in their work for the masses. Ms Ann Williams Cass (also fired by the Bishop) and other lay workers and members of congregations maintain their commitment and activism. They network with Habitat for Humanity and other housing and health groups, bringing hope to the poor. Their tireless work helps not only the poor and Hispanics, but all citizens of south Texas.

The conservatives of the Catholic Church seem stronger than ever, some calling supporters of abortion rights “murderers.” To them it is irrelevant that choice is a position supported by the ninth amendment of the U.S. Constitution, repeated Supreme Court cases and other thoughtful religious and secular citizens. A few even joined fundamentalist Protestant churches in their opposition to former candidate, now President Obama. Stubbornly, rightly, fueled by generations of those loyal to leaders who brought Social Security, Civil Rights and the War on Poverty, a majority of Valley Catholics supported the Democratic Party. However, Many White Protestants but fewer Hispanic Protestants continue to vote Republican, their anger and single issue stubbornness trumping their economic interests.

We are split, it is true, much as the rest of the nation is split. Religion, as often as not, continues to divide us, rather than providing, as might be hoped, ways to reconcile differences. As the state and nation continue to try to surmount the economic crisis we must also look at the socio-economic class crisis—the growing gap in the U.S., as in Latin America, between the very rich and the very poor. An active role of government is absolutely essential. But, also, religion—renewed, reconfigured religion--can help. There must be, within the spirit and history of each great religion, ways to respond to the need for progressive, humanistic policies in areas of health, environment, immigration, ethnic and class fairness. There must be development and reconciliation, politically and religiously. Let the re-mix begin!

Gary Mounce is a political science professor in South Texas. His columns, often on Latin American issues, appear regularly in the Guardian. The above column was originally published in The Metropolitan.

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